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Heart of the Matter

David Jessel explores some of the thoughts on terrorism put 10 him on a recent trip to the United States for BBC 1's award-winning series Heart of the Matter.

11      Keeping a sense of proportion in the face of terrorist atrocity may seem a counsel of
2 appeasement. What moral constraint, after all, binds the terrorist? If we are at war with
3 terror, is the victim world expected to fight with hands tied behind its back by the moral
4 cords of St Thomas Aquinas' definition of a 'just war'? In fact, after seven centuries the
5 principal threads of Aquinas' prescription stand up remarkably well to a modern view of
6 what is just and opportune: that the reaction of a state should be in proportion to the
7 wound inflicted upon it, that such action should not merely add to the volume of
8 violence, and that the outcome of any counter-attack should not lead to a greater
9 injustice than that which was the casus belli.
210     The tactic of a punitive expedition clearly has limited relevance in the context of
11 fanatical terrorism, given the definition of a fanatic as 'someone who knows he is doing
12 exactly what the Lord would do if the Lord were also in possession of the facts'.
13 Punishment of a people, however reprehensible their deeds, loses much moral and
14 practical validity if it leads, far from a recognition of sin, to a more acute sense of
15 righteous injustice. It is also , of course, a tactic of terrorists, as for instance in Northern
16 Ireland, to provoke a reaction - better still, an over-reaction - from authority to fuel the
17 fire of tension and hate.
318     The former director of the CIA, Admiral Stansfield Turner, is certain that, after
19 Beirut1) , his old organization will have submitted to the President a list of retaliatory
20 options. Admiral Turner, who served President Carter during the 444-day Iranian
21 hostage crisis, hopes those options have been qualified in two ways: first , how specific therefore
22 how just - would the retaliation be? Secondly, 'Do you want to go before the
23 court of world opinion and acknowledge that the US - or Great Britain - is willing to take
24 the law into its own hands and kill people without due process of law?'
425     Turner sees the question of yielding to terrorism as one of degree, therefore of
26 flexibility; if terrorist demands are simply unfulfillable without unacceptably dire moral
27 and political compromise, then they must be resisted. The US, ultimately, could not
28 return the Shah to Iran to face torture and execution without doing violence to the
29 political integrity of its alliances and the moral integrity of humanitarianism. A lesser
30 demand might have been met. Pragmatism, in this context, is not necessarily a vice; it
31 may be as wise as it is weak to yield to the acceptable in the face of the intolerable. One
32 has only to imagine a hijacked airliner, wired with explosives to thwart any rescue
33 attempt, and with the hourly executions of innocents, to see the shortcomings of the
34 vaunting slogan of 'No surrender, no negotiation'.
535     Terrorism, after all, however despicable, is merely a tactic ; terror is a tool as old as
36 war. Wars are fought with tactics, but for reasons; there must be a cause to generate such
37 frustrated fury. It might be the creation of a homeland for the Jewish people, or majority
38 rule for black South Africa. History, however annoyingly, often seems to be on the side of
39 the terrorist; at least two men, Kenyatta and Makarios - although they may never
40 personally have handled a Sten gun - have dined as honoured guests at Buckingham
41 Palace. At the same time, of course, terrorism can frustrate history itself; it is manifest
42 that the IRA complicate and prejudice any tentative step towards Irish unity. Does the
43 resort to terror of itself invalidate the cause in which it is a mere, terrible tactic?
 
     David Jessel in The Listener, September 5, 1985

noot 1: In May 1985 Palestinian terrorists hijacked an American plane and forced it to land in Beirut.